Studies in Formal Linguistics. Universal Patterns and Language Specific Parameters.
共著
2018年12月
Peter Lang (Berlin)
17-33
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要旨:This book investigates the nature and consequences of universal principles in four major grammar components, i.e. syntax, phonology, morphology and semantics. Language specific parameters are held responsible for the attested variation. The papers collected in this book analyse selected phenomena from English, Hungarian, Irish, Italian, Japanese, and Polish, and shed new light on the interaction of universals and parameters in the structure of individual language systems. The generative framework is adopted as the theoretical model in the majority of contributions. S. Sugawa and I wrote Chapter 1: On Japanese Sluicing: Evidence for the Focus Movement & Deletion with Some Remarks on English and Polish.
Acceptability judgements and subject positions in Japanese Q-float
単著
2020年3月
名古屋学院大学論集 言語・文化篇 第31巻 第2号
1-14
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要旨:This paper discusses the problem of instability of acceptability judgments. Acceptability is known to be affected by many factors, including pragmatic/contextual information. Therefore linguists must be careful about their judgments when they deal with linguistic data. As a case study, we pick up core data of Japanese Quantifier-float, showing acceptability judgments of them are unstable/fluctuating. The goal of this paper is to explain what accounts for the difference in judgment. We argue that subject positions are involved: when a sentence is “presentational,” the subject, having an neutral description reading, is located within the same domain (vP or TP) with its numeral quantifier, resulting in acceptable sentences. On the other hand, in the non-presentational mode, the subject has an exhaustive reading and it moves to the discourse domain (CP), leaving its numeral quantifier behind. The separation between the subject and its numeral quantifier makes the sentence unacceptable. However, the distinction between these two modes cannot be absolute, for it can be affected by various factors including some discourse/pragmatic information. This unclear distinction results in the instability of the core data.
Indeterminate Pronoun Binding and Bound Pronouns in Japanese Raising-to-Object Construction: Agree-based Construal
単著
2015年12月
English Linguistics 32-2
261-292
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要旨:Japanese has a counterpart of the English Exceptional Case-marking (ECM) construction: Raising-to-Object construction (RTO). Over the years various analyses and proposals have been presented for it, reflecting the theoretical frameworks of the times. But there still remain some unsolved/challenging phenomena, which may serve as tests for the principles of UG. Especially when coupled with Indeterminate Pronoun Binding and bound pronoun interpretation, the RTO shows peculiar behavior which has challenged previous analyses. The aim of this paper is to show that these peculiarities can be straightforwardly explained, given Reuland’s (2001, 2011) Agree-based Construal under the assumption that the φ-feature agreement is involved in Japanese Case licensing.
参照リンク:
学術論文
On the Subject Position of Unaccusatives in Japanese: The Kageyama-Kishimoto Puzzle
単著
2015年7月
MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 76(Proceedings of the 7th Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics (WAFL7))
319-325
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要旨:Kageyama (1993) and Kishimoto (2009) presented different views on the subject position of unaccusative verbs in Japanese: the former claimed that it should stay within VP/weak vP, while the latter held that it should be at Spec-TP. This issue, referred to here as the Kageyama-Kishimoto Puzzle (KKP), remains unsettled still now. The aim of this study is to solve the KKP, demonstrating that the disharmony arises from differences in the clausal structures they used as evidence.
参照リンク:
学術論文
素性継承によるC不可視化と「が・の」交替:Fin-headを巡って
単著
2015年3月
名古屋学院大学論集 言語・文化篇 第26巻 第2号
17-31
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要旨: 本稿の目的は,Chomsky(2008)で提案された素性継承によって,上位の主要部H1の素性がすべてH2に継承されるならば,その派生段階以降,H1は統語計算では見えなく(invisible)なるという「素性継承によるC不可視化」を提案することにある。この仮説によれば,finiteness素性がT-headに継承されると,それらの素性はTにおいて具現化されることになり,その結果,Finiteness主要部(Fin-head)はinvisibleになり,labelingに関与できなくなる。日本語の属格主語連体節においてHiraiwa(2001)が主張する,Fin-headが属格の認可に関与するという分析は,実は,この「素性継承によるC不可視化」によって,phaseを構成するCP(FocPだと考えられる)がなくなり,主要部名詞のD素性から属格が与えられるということになる。この分析の帰結として,本稿では英語のECM構文に見られる問題点が解消されること,ならびに,Akaso and Haraguchi(2011)の反例が本稿での提案の下で,反例ではなくなることを論じる。 キーワード:定性素性,素性継承,「が・の」交替
参照リンク:
学術論文
Genitive of Dependent Tense and Its Kin: PeculiarGenitive Subjects in Japanese
共著
2014年8月
2014 Comparative Syntax (Proceedings of the 16th Seoul International Conference on Generative Grammar: The Korean Generative Grammar Circle)
31-46
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要旨: The aim of this paper is to provide supporting evidence for the Genitive of Dependent Tense which Miyagawa (2012) proposed in dealing with the peculiar genitive case occurring under some exceptional circumstances in Japanese. Miyagawa associated this Japanese Genitive to the genitive case which can be observed in negation in Slavic languages. Without other cases in Japanese, however, this peculiar Genitive case might be regarded as an idiosyncratic/sporadic/exceptional phenomenon. We argue that this peculiar case appears not only in a temporal adverbial clause headed by -toki ‘when’, but also in other cases when some conditions are met.
On the Categorial Status of Japanese Relative Clauses
共著
2011年6月
English Linguistics 28-1
91-106
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要旨:This paper claims that the syntactic category of Japanese relative clauses can be larger than TP. The fact that Focus Particles can be found within Japanese relative clauses shows that the licenser, Focus-head, should be located at the CP-zone, adopting Rizzi’s (1997, 2004) cartographic analysis, on the assumption that Focus Particles can be licensed in situ. However, not every relative clause is larger than TP. We will present new data on Nominative/Genitive Conversion, which lead to a generalization that Focus Particles cannot appear in Japanese relative clauses where genitive subjects are allowed. This can be explained straightforwardly if we assume that Focus Phrase is missing in this type of relative clause. We will try to explore the mechanism of the case alternation phenomenon, with the refinement of Saito’s (2004) dichotomy of T (declarative T and adnominal T).
参照リンク:
学術論文
AGAINST THE NON-RAISING ANALYSIS OF JAPANESE RAISING-TO-OBJECT
A Minimalist Approach to Japanese Potential Suffix (rar)e
単著
2003年12月
名学大研究年報 16
43-66
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要旨:本論文は、Minimalistの観点に立ち、可能の形態素(rar)eがV-raisingを阻止していることを主張した研究である。より正確に言えば、可能の形態素(rar)eは、Vのgrammatical featuresがraisingして時制辞Tと結合するのを阻止するという新しい提案を行った。Agree以外にも従来のcovert phrasal movementの操作が必要であるというKishimotoの分析を基に、2つの操作の棲み分けについて考察を行い、V-raisingの有無がカギとなるという次のような仮説を提案した。 Agreeの適用条件 V to T raising Yes → Agree No→ Covert Phrasal Movement この仮説に従うなら、Nominative Objectのスコープに関するデータとMiyagawaのA-scramblingのデータから、可能の形態素によるV-raising阻止が明らかになることを論じた。さらに、可能の形態素(rar)eがV-raisingしてTと合体しているように見えるのは、それがFFやその他の素性を残したまま、音の素性だけが移動するPF移動である可能性を指摘した。
要旨:本論文は、word order variationを決定するのは語彙範晴ではなく、機能範田壽のhead-parameterである可鰹生を論じている。Head-parameterは統率・束縛(GB)理論において広く受け入れてきたが、90年代に入りChomsky理論が最小主義(Minimalist)の段階に移行すると、その存在意義が危ぶまれてきた。(それにとって代わるものとして、特定の機能範田壽の有無や素性の強弱によるVやDPの移動である。) その背後にあるのは、「語順の問題は、Syntaxの仕事ではなく、PFの仕事である」とする仮定である。語順の問題をsyntaxにかかる負担は減少すると思われたが、この仮説をとらなければならない必要性はない。そこで、本研究では「統語論からできるだけ語順に関する指定を外すが、語順の問題はsyntaxの仕事である」という立場をとり、機能範疇のhead-parameterとMinimalistのcase-checkingを採用することで、語順を処理する可能性を論じている。その可能性の有効性に関して、Complementizerの位置と関係節の位置の関連性を指摘した。GB時代のhead-parameterの問題を指摘する際に用いた、西アフリカ(マリ)のニジェール川流域で使われているソンガイ語のガオ方言のデータはかつて紹介されたことのない貴重なものであり、このことも本論文の成果のひとつと考えられる。
参照リンク:
学術論文
An Alternative Approach to the Naze-Nani Ordering: With Special Reference to the Asymmetry between Japanese and Korean Multiple Wh-Questions
Review of External Arguments in Transitivity Alternations: A Layering Approach
単著
2019年3月
English Lingusitics 35: 2 (日本英語学会)
338-350
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要旨:This monograph presents state-of-the-art research on Transitivity Alternations, covering (anti-)causatives, passives, and middles. Alexiadou et al. introduce the novel concept of expletive Voice, a semantically inert Voice head, resulting from analyses based upon a wide range of data from English, German, Greek, and other languages. By using their typology of Voice head, Alexiadou et al. show us that seemingly multifaceted phenomena of transitivity alternations can be explained in a unified way. At the same time, they have elaborated on useful tools for exploring the decomposing structures of verbs and participles into syntactic layers, such as the distribution of PPs related to external arguments.
A Labeling Approach to Japanese Nominative/Genitive Conversion
単独
2020年10月
Seoul National University International Conference on Linguistics 2020: Theme Session: Syntax-Semantics
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要旨:This paper claims that Chomsky’s (2013) labeling algorithm, in conjunction with Saito’s (2017) anti-labeling, can salvage the D-approach in Japanese Nominative/Genitive Conversion from criticism of failing to explain some cases containing the nominative object.
要旨:本発表では、現在の代表的な言語理論である Generative Grammar (Chomskyの生成文法)と Construction Grammar (Goldbergの構文文法)に焦点をあて、それぞれの長短所を比較し、統合可能性について述べた。依って立つ土台が根本的に異なる両者であるが、言語分析をより説得力のあるものにするために、相互協力できる可能性があることを論じた。
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
On Chomsky's Interpretation on Jespersen
単独
2019年9月
Henry Sweet Society Colloquium 2019
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要旨:The aim of this talk is to reassess Chomsky’s interpretation of Jespersen’s “free expressions”. It is known that Noam Chomsky appreciates Jespersen’s view on language. At the beginning stage of generative grammar, Chomsky mentioned Jespersen’s concept of “nexus”, such as the doctor’s arrival, as an antecedent of transformational operations. However, tracing back his statements, his appreciation of the distinguished Danish scholar was not always consistent. In late sixties Chomsky sometimes rated Jespersen low and made negative comments about him as one of the “analogy” supporters. In 1974 Chomsky read a paper at the 50th anniversary of Linguistic Society of America, in which Chomsky re-evaluated Jespersen. Considering that Chomsky mentioned Reynold (1971) in the paper, and that he took it up again in Knowledge of Language (1986), his re-evaluation of Jespersen seems to have come from Reynolds (1971). According to her, many of Jespersen’s important assumptions are derived from Wilhelm von Humboldt. Influenced by Reynolds, Chomsky became positive toward Jespersen, especially regarding the concept of “free expressions” which corresponds to Humboldt’s “Energeia”. Chomsky takes them as the same goal that generative grammar has tried to pursue. But is it really true that Jespersen’s free expressions is what Chomsky conceives it to be? As for Humboldt, Chomsky himself admitted that his interpretation on Humboldt was possibly wrong. (See Chomsky (2012).) If so, we need to reassess his understanding of Jespersen’s “free expressions” in the same way. In this talk, I claim that Chomsky’s understanding of this issue comes from his own interpretation.
Acceptability Judgments & Subject Positions in Japanese Q-float
単独
2018年10月
Workshop on Acceptability Judgments in Current Linguistic Theory
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要旨:Acceptability, which belongs to the weak generative capacity, is known to be affected by many factors. So it is important to exclude those factors out of the system of syntax. But for Japanese, and other discourse-configurational languages, it is very difficult to do so because discourse factors are tightly woven into syntax. As a case study, I will pick up Japanese Quantifier-float, showing acceptability judgments on its core data are unstable/fluctuating. I will try to explain why they are so in this talk.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
Japanese Quantifier-float and grammaticality judgments
単独
2018年6月
XXXIèmes Journées de Linguistique d’Asie Orientale
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要旨:The paper concerns the unstable grammaticaity of the core data of Japanese Q-float. The instability of the Kuroda-Haig Generalization results from the difference of subject functions: EL and ND. When a sentence is “presentational,” the subject has the ND reading, and the KHG is not observed. On the other hand, when a sentence is in the non-presentational mode, its subject has the EL reading and the KHG is maintained. However, the distinction between these two functions cannot be absolute, which bring about the instability of the KHG.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
Phases as the spell-out domain and Japanese Q-float
単独
2018年3月
Current Issues in Comparative Syntax: Past, Present, and Future (National University of Singapore)
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要旨:It has been standardly assumed that what is sent to the CI-interface is a phase-complement, but Bošković (2016) proposes the phasal spell-out against the standard assumption. This work gives a piece of supporting evidence for the phasal spell-out, by making use of a new proposal for behaviors of Japanese Q-float. Re-examining counter-examples against Miyagawa’s (1989) syntactic approach, we will present a new analysis to explain these cases, as well as the core data of Miyagawa’s analysis, which reveals that a subject DP and its associated numeral quantifiers (NQs) should be within the same domain when they are interpreted at the CI-interface. This means that not only the complement of vP, but also the subject in spec, vP must be sent to the CI-interface at the same time. If our analysis is on the right track, it can support Bošković’s proposal of the phasal spell-out.
On Japanese sluicing: Evidence for the focus movement and deletion with some notes on English and Polish
共同
2016年10月
Linguistics Beyond and Within 2016
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要旨:This paper has claimed that Japanese Sluicing consists of two operations: Focus movement and FinP deletion, providing two pieces of supporting evidence: the Kara-clause & the SIKA-NPI. We have also suggested that Polish has two types of sluicing: English type of Wh-Sluicing and Japanese type of Focus-Sluicing. We hope that this preliminary/tentative contrastive research will lead to more serious/deep comparative studies and contribute to interesting field in generative syntax.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
On Nominative in Japanese: Focus as a case-licenser
共同
2016年6月
9th Days of Swiss Linguistics
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要旨: Japanese is known to be a language which lacks φ-feature agreement. It is still not clear how to deal with case licensing mechanism in agreement-LESS languages like Japanese. Showing that Focus-head in the CP-periphery has significant bearing upon nominative case, we claim that Japanese Nominative is licensed by Foc-head.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
Focus-head as a Case-licenser: Japanese Nominative Case
単独
2016年4月
Workshop in General Linguistics 13 UW-Madison Linguistics Student Organization
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要旨: In current minimalist theorizing case is regarded as a reflex of φ-feature agreement, but it is still not clear how to deal with agreement-LESS languages like Japanese. Detail investigation on Japanese, however, reveals that Focus-head in the CP-periphery has significant bearing upon nominative case. Our goal is to claim that Japanese Nominative is licensed by Foc0, contra the obstinate hypothesis of Licensing by T-head and Baker’s (2015) dependent case assignment.
Societas Linguistica Europaea 48th Annual Meeting at Leiden
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要旨:Research of numeral quantifiers (NQs) has been advanced in Japanese linguistics for decades (Harada (1976), Miyagawa (1989), etc.), but there still remain mysteries uncovered in this field. The aim of this paper is to explore the syntactic/semantic relationship between NQs and reduplicative nominals (RNs), which has never been investigated in the literature.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
Bound pronouns and Agree‐based construal: Japanese ECM constructions
単独
2015年6月
Pronouns: Syntax, Semantics, Processing
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要旨:This paper shows that the mysterious and problematic behavior which Japanese ECM construction exhibits when coupled with IPB and Bound Pronoun, can be explained by Reuland’s (2011) ABC. The standard binding mechanism, based on a direct c-command relation, fails to handle the case, for an indeterminate pronoun does not c-command the bound pronoun in the adjunct PP. On the other hand, Reuland’s binding system can successfully deal with it, for the lexical items (the bound pronoun and its antecedent (i.e., an indeterminate pronoun) are indirectly connected via φ-features on v/V. We argue that this is possible under the assumption that Japanese uses case-by-agreement in which φ-features are indispensable, as do agreement languages such as English.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
Genitive of Dependent Tense and Its Kin: Peculiar Genitive Subjects in Japanese
共同
2014年8月
The 16th Seoul International Conference on Genrative Grammar
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要旨: The aim of this paper is to provide supporting evidence for the Genitive of Dependent Tense which Miyagawa (2012) proposed in dealing with the peculiar genitive case occurring under some exceptional circumstances in Japanese. Miyagawa associated this Japanese Genitive to the genitive case which can be observed in negation in Slavic languages. Without other cases in Japanese, however, this peculiar Genitive case might be regarded as an idiosyncratic/sporadic/exceptional phenomenon. We argue that this peculiar case appears not only in a temporal adverbial clause headed by -toki ‘when’, but also in other cases when some conditions are met.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
On the Subject Position of Unaccusatives in Japanese: the Kageyama-Kishimoto Puzzle
単独
2013年8月
Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics 9
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要旨:
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
On Nominative Licensing
単独
2013年2月
同志社ことばの会
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要旨:本発表では、日本語においては、弱小動詞(weak little v )もしくはAspect([+STATIVE])が 主格(「が」格)を認可できることを論じた。これまでの日本語生成文法では80年代後半に提案された「時制句の主要部であるTが主格を与える」という仮説が標準的なものとして認められてきた。最近のMinimalistではChomsky(2008)がCからTへの素性継承によって主格が認可されるという仮説が出しているが、日本語のデータを見ると、必ずしもCが存在しなくとも主格が現れる現象が存在する。関係節内における、非対格主語や状態述語の主語がそれにあたる。よってが、これらの環境では「が」格を認可するのは弱小動詞やAspectであることがわかる。本発表の分析がただしければ影山(1993)とKishimoto(2009)における非対格主語の位置の違いを説明できることを論じた。
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
Genitive Subject Positions in Japanese
共同
2012年10月
Generative Initiatives in Syntactic Theory
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要旨:In this talk we have seen from our previous research that pre-nominal clauses containing Genitive subject is devoid of FocP or CP. Because of this, neither Subject raising to Spec-TP nor scrambling can be observed in pre-nominal clauses with Genitive subject. This means that the NGC does not take place freely, I mean each case is realized according to its own structure. That is, the NGC is not a totally free alternation. But when it comes to unaccusative predicates, there is a possibility that the structures are identical for either nominative subject or genitive subject. That is, the NGC is a free alternation.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
Criterial Freezing and Long-distance Scrambling to Post-subject Position
単独
2012年9月
Formal Approaches to Japanese Linguistics
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要旨:This paper attempts to solve the problem of distinct grammaticality of long-distance scrambling (LDS) to post-subject position between out of finite clauses and out of non-finite clauses, in terms of focus licensing, without recourse to the A/A’ dichotomy.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
On the Agent/Theme Asymmetry in Japanese Nominative/Genitive Conversion
共同
2012年5月
8th Workshop on Altaic Formal Linguistics
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要旨:Akaso&Haraguchi(2010, 2011a, 2011b) dealt with only Relative Clauses, putting aside Gapless Clauses, in their research on NGC, in which they proposed that the syntactic categories of Japanese prenominal clauses are of two types: Focus Phrase (FocP) for those containing Nom-subj., and TP for those containing Gen-subj.. The reason to exclude GCs from the proposal was that there are some cases of GCs against the generalizations which A&H drew: (I) Focus Particles and Genitive subjects cannot appear simultaneously, and (II) VP adverbials cannot precede Genitive subject. In this paper, examining carefully prenominal clauses in GCs, we have found the real distinction to be considered is not between RCs and GCs, but between the thematic roles of subjects: Agent and Theme. When the subject is Agent, our generalizations can be applied to GCs, and when it is Theme, they cannot. We have called this ‘the Agent/Theme Asymmetry’. Assuming that a focus-licenser is located above VP, coupled with analyzing syntactic behaviors of VP adverbials, we have reached a conclusion that our proposal is effective not only for RCs, but also for GCs. That is, it is effective for prenominal clauses in general.
参照リンク:
口頭発表:研究発表
A note on the category of Korean relative clauses, with reference to Japanese
Adverbs and Nominative/Genitive Conversion in Japanese Relative Clauses
共同
2011年10月
The Minimalist Program: Quo Vadis? - Newborn, Reborn, or Stillborn?
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要旨:Synopsis: One of the long-standing issues in Japanese generative grammar is the Case alternation known as Nominative/Genitive Conversion (NGC) which occurs in relative clauses (RCs), but not in main clauses, exemplified in (1). Nakai (1980) pointed out that genitive subjects are within RCs, with crucial data like (2) in which an adverb ‘kino (yesterday)’ appears at the left of the genitive subject ‘Taro-no (Taro-Gen)’. Because this kind of adverb is counted as a modifier of Tense (T), the genitive subject is considered to stay within the RC. However, more careful examination reveals that not every adverb can appear at the left of the genitive subject. The aim of this study is to show how this behavior of adverbs can be explained. We propose that it results from the interaction between adverb- scrambling and Miyagawa’s (2010) discourse-configurational analysis of scrambling, coupled with the difference of categorical status of relative clauses depending on Case of subjects.
要旨:We proposed that the categorical status of Japanese RCs, formerly thought to be TPs, can be larger than TP, showing that some FPs can appear, which are to be licensed at the CP-zone. But not all the Japanese RCs are larger than TP. From the new data for NGC, we claimed that RCs with genitive subjects are TPs, for the conversion is not allowed when FPs appear in RCs. This can be explained straightforwardly if we assume that an intervening functional head (i.e. Focus) cannot allow the predicate of RC to be adn T which can assign only [+Gen].
On Long-distance Scrambling to Post-subject Position
単独
2010年2月
同志社ことばの会
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要旨:本発表ではこれまで日本語生成文法の懸案であった長距離スクランブリング(特に主節主語に後続する位置へのもの)を取り扱ったものである。この種のスクランブリングは定型節からと非定型節(「ように」節)からでは文法性が異なることが指摘されており、それらの違いについて、A/Aバー特性を用いた説明がなされてきた。しかし、その2分法自体に問題があり、かつ定型・非定型という区分にはおさまらないデータが存在することを指摘したうえで、それらが、Rizzi(1997)などで開発されてきたCPゾーンにおけるFocus head 並びにHoji(1985)のスクランブリング制約から、A/Aバーの概念なしに説明できることを主張した。
要旨:本講演の目的は、生成文法の魅力を、立領域の研究者に、次のような点を取り上げながら、わかりやすく紹介することである。1)言語の「知識」、2)脳内文法と統語論、3)UG(普遍文法)、4)統語論の自律性、5)命題領域と談話領域。6)生成文法 vs 認知・機能言語学。また、生成文法に対する誤解を解きながら、このアプローチの有効性と面白さを具体例を用いながら紹介した。